When Hong Kong’s Domestic Helpers Need Help
It was at a small, off the record press dinner with a Hong Kong government officer not too long ago at the Summer Palace restaurant in the Shangri-la Hotel. The topic of the day, inevitably, came up for discussion: the minimum wage for domestic helpers had just been raised, to reach the monthly allowance of 4210 Hong Kong dollars, or U.S.$540, a month. “Not a lot, for such an expensive place as this!” someone said. “You must take into account that they have no expenses. They do not need to pay for food nor accommodation: at the end of the day, they are better off than me!” the government officer retorted. The dinner was almost over, and she had already called for the bill. “Which credit card has a discount rate tonight?” she asked, taking out various cards from her wallet. On another occasion, at a large outdoor reception that followed a financial event, on a hotel rooftop, as glasses clinked and name cards flew back and forth, a financial analyst volunteered that he comes to Asia often. His wife is from the Philippines, he said. “Did you marry your maid?” asked an expensively dressed, British-accented Hong Kong businesswoman, with a bright smile. The analyst seemed aghast, but the lady was undeterred: “It happens!” she retorted, holding on to her smile.
A superficially stupid comment, a harebrained remark, a look askance on Sundays and public holidays in Central and Causeway Bay, as people walk next to the huge public gatherings of Hong Kong’s “helpers” on their day off: all small marks of the conflicted relationship that Hong Kong has with the foreign domestic workers who have become indispensable to the city’s functioning. Thousands of women sitting in the streets or rehearsing dance routines—sometimes in colorful costumes, as if ready to go on stage, as in Xyza Bacani’s pictures—talking, eating, combing each other’s hair, conducting small business exchanges, exchanging information, painting their nails, packing huge quantities of stuff to send home: to the Philippines, to Indonesia, and further afield. In this territory of nearly 7.5 million people, as of December 2014, live more than 330,000 “foreign domestic helpers” who hail from the Philippines, Indonesia, Thailand, Nepal, and Sri Lanka. They have a minimum wage—but are only allowed to work in Hong Kong on contracts that bar them from gaining full residency, no matter how long they stay. They cannot apply for visas for their spouses or children, since the conditions of employment do not allow them to have “dependents”; should a family member also obtain a Hong Kong work visa, they cannot live as a family, as, by law, a foreign domestic helper must reside with her employer. And even if the rules require that the helpers have “suitable living accommodation with reasonable privacy,” in many cases the dismal size and condition of their actual quarters do not even cause a scandal anymore. Some sleep on mattresses on the floors of kitchen corridors, others in cupboards, some in the bathroom or with the children, others yet under makeshift canopies on tiny balconies.
Occasionally, though, a major jolt shakes the whole of Hong Kong out of its distracted stupor over the issue. As happened in the case of Erwiana Sulistyaningsih, 24 (the slight Indonesian woman portrayed by Bacani in photo 22) whose employer, Law Wan-tung, was jailed for six years after beating her unconscious countless times, punching her so hard that her teeth were fractured, depriving her of food, twisting metal tubes from the vacuum cleaner in her mouth, and other violent criminal acts. Law’s lawyer, Graham Harris SC, offered this defense of his client: her acts were not “one of the very worst of its kind [sic].” He recalled the case of Chan Mei-ying, a 51-year-old woman who was jailed for four months for scorching her helper’s hands with a hot iron, after she messed up a blouse. Doubtless also on his mind was the case of Tai Chi-wai and his wife Au Yuk-shan, who are serving a lengthier jail term for attacking their domestic helper with bicycle chains, hot irons, paper cutters, shoes, and hangers.
Some may point out that Hong Kong, like much of southern China, has a “different” way of looking at domestic help, given the tradition of “mui tsai”—bond-servants who often belonged to poor branches of a clan, and were given as servants to the wealthiest families. They would serve throughout their lives, in exchange for food and lodging and the promise of being taken care of in old age. The tradition rotted into simple slavery at the turn of the 19th century, but, in some instances, survived in more benevolent forms—Ann Hui depicted one in her moving film A Simple Life (2011).
But for today’s women from Southeast Asia, the excuse of a “mui tsai” tradition has little currency: they come to Hong Kong to work to earn enough money to send their children back home to school while they take care of someone else’s children. To keep a roof above the heads of their parents. To look forward to a better future, built by their own hard-working hands.
Bacani captures all of this—the hard work, the joy, the resilience, the abuse—and in so doing, she demands that we face a reality from which Hong Kong usually averts its eyes.