Xinjiang School Poster
on December 21, 2018
Uighur (modified Arabic) script “disappeared,” Urumqi No.1 Primary school, 2018.
Uighur (modified Arabic) script “disappeared,” Urumqi No.1 Primary school, 2018.
A security checkpoint with an iris-scanner at the entrance to the Aq Mosque, in Urumqi, 2018.
The deserted Khantängri Mosque, with a P.R.C. flag erected since the author’s last visit in 2016, in Nanmen, Urumqi, 2018.
In 2018, the outlook for China regarding its politics, economy, and relationship with the United States darkened considerably. The removal of presidential term limits and Xi Jinping’s interactions with the Trump administration prompted rare instances of internal Chinese dissent in a year marked by deepening repression. U.S. policies toward China gained in cohesion and assertiveness, demonstrated by an expansive levying of tariffs. China’s global influence continued to grow in the wake of U.S. withdrawal. But China, which in recent years has been masterful in playing geopolitical offense abroad, appears to lack the same sure-footedness now that the United States and other nations are finally making it play defense too. In an era of great power competition, China and the United States are testing the resiliency and adaptiveness of their respective systems.
More than a week after the detention of two Canadian citizens, we know very little about the nature of the charges against them. Of particular concern to the foreign NGO community is the detention of Michael Kovrig, an employee of the non-profit International Crisis Group. In the context of minimal Chinese media coverage of his case, a particular article, “Canadian Citizen Detained in China, What Are Foreign NGOs Panicked About?” stands out as noteworthy.
Kyle Hutzler is an M.B.A. candidate at the Stanford Graduate School of Business and received his M.A. from Tsinghua University.
Many Latin American countries experienced political change in 2018, with presidential elections in three of the largest countries—Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia—and transitions in Chile, Costa Rica, Cuba, El Salvador, and Paraguay. Meanwhile, several long-term China partners, such as Peru, Argentina, and especially Venezuela, have been entangled in political scandals. How are relations evolving between China and Latin America, and between China and individual countries in the region? And how do China’s interests and relations in the region differ from those of the United States?
Shi Yinhong is the Director of the American Studies Institute at Renmin University and the Academic Committee of the School of International Relations.
Jeremy Stevens is Chief China Economist at Standard Bank, based in Beijing. His research gives special attention to the Chinese economy, and how the shift towards a multipolar world is re‐calibrating Africa’s external and internal dynamics. His papers have been presented at the FOCAC Summits (Egypt in 2009 and Beijing 2012), the AfDB, ADB, OECD, IMF, WB, and a host of other regional and local gatherings and conferences. He advises Standard Bank’s clients and African central banks, policymakers, and corporates on developments in the Chinese economy and financial markets. In addition, he works with Chinese corporates, policy banks, and think tanks on opportunities in Africa.
Stevens frequently comments across a host of international media forums, including Bloomberg, CNBC, The Economist, The Financial Times, Reuters, and The Wall Street Journal. He also regularly contributes to China’s domestic media, including CCTV, China Daily, Caijing, China Securities Journal, and elsewhere.
Stevens writes the weekly Inside China newsletter, which features a mix of insights, data, and analysis on the Chinese economy. To subscribe, email him directly at jeremy.stevens@standardbank.com.cn.
Source: EnergyNet