Battleground Malaysia: China Extends Crackdown on Uygurs across Borders
on February 20, 2018
Malaysia has emerged as the latest battleground pitting Chinese efforts to export its security notions against principles of the rule of law.
Malaysia has emerged as the latest battleground pitting Chinese efforts to export its security notions against principles of the rule of law.
Chinese authorities have demanded “severe punishment” for a man who allegedly stole the thumb of a terracotta warrior statue on display in the US, Chinese state media report.
Generally speaking, a sovereign nation dislikes it when a foreign power establishes new military bases within striking range of its capital. But when it comes to China doing just that to the Philippines in the South China Sea, Rodrigo Duterte, it seems, doesn’t mind at all.
China has launched its latest crackdown against a phenomenon which just won’t seem to die in rural areas - funeral strippers.
Chinese internet users have been arguing about whether red envelopes – filled with cash and given as gifts during the Lunar New Year – should go to children or their parents, after a court published rulings on several cases.
Eleven Chinese warships sailed into the East Indian Ocean this month, a Chinese news portal said, amid a constitutional crisis in the tiny tropical island chain of the Maldives now under a state of emergency.
Today, Shanxi held a meeting for foreign NGO Professional Supervisory Units (PSUs). Representatives from each of the province’s 42 PSUs participated. (Note: This likely refers to eligible PSUs, as Shanxi had registered no representative offices as of December 22.) At the meeting, 11 articles of the Foreign NGO Law were explained and PSUs’ responsibilities clarified. PSUs were requested to familiarize themselves with the representative office registration and temporary activity filing processes and to be in frequent contact during the course of such work. Staff from the Shanxi Public Security Bureau (PSB) Foreign NGO Management Office offered an analysis of the situation going forward and answered PSUs’ questions.
Beginning in August 2019, Lindsey Ford will be joining the Brookings Institution as a David M. Rubenstein Fellow in the Foreign Policy program. She is also an adjunct lecturer at the George Washington University’s Elliott School of International Affairs. Her research focuses on U.S. defense strategy in the Asia-Pacific region, including U.S. security alliances, military posture, and regional security architecture. Ford is a frequent commentator on Asian security and defense issues and her analysis has been featured by outlets including The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, The Financial Times, Politico, Foreign Policy, The Straits Times, CNN, MSNBC, and Bloomberg.
Prior to joining the Brookings Institution, Ford was the Richard Holbrooke Fellow and Director for Political-Security Affairs at the Asia Society Policy Institute (ASPI). From 2009-2015, Ford served in a variety of roles within the Office of the Secretary of Defense, including as the special assistant to Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel for the 2014 U.S.-ASEAN Defense Forum. Most recently, Ford served as the Senior Adviser to the Assistant Secretary of Defense for Asian and Pacific Security Affairs, where she managed a team of advisers overseeing maritime security, multilateral security affairs, and force management planning. Ford was also a leading architect of the Asia rebalance strategy work for the Department of Defense’s 2012 “Defense Strategic Guidance Review” and oversaw the development of the Department’s first “Asia-Pacific Maritime Security Strategy” in 2015. Ford was twice awarded with the Department of Defense Medal for Exceptional Public Service, among other recognitions. She graduated with a Master’s in Public Affairs and Asian Studies from the Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs at the University of Texas-Austin, and a Bachelor’s in vocal performance from Samford University.
There has been little need for the term “cyber sovereignty” among democratic states: the Internet, by its nature, operates under an aegis of freedom and cooperation. However, as the international system slips away from American unipolarity, a competing model of cyber sovereignty has emerged in China that seeks to bind cyber borders to online censorship and surveillance. Given that democracies will always be hostile toward censorship, can these two models coexist? More importantly, should they?
China’s ambassador to the U.S. warned the Trump administration against adopting a confrontational approach to the world’s second-biggest economy.